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Living in a 21st century social monopoly

Stephen Hornsby-Smith

Living in a 21st century social monopoly in Britain, a further threat is being posed by a feudalism of new hybrid forms of social class split, splinter and sub-divide like a virus attacking the organic whole.

Social Class is essential to Britain's economy which forms a leisurely chip on the shoulder in times of national prosperity, and one of societal intransigence and hostility during times of hardship. Social class is a fundamental that underwrites social inclusion and exclusion that works on the issue of self- importance. You don't have to be rich to be self-important and it doesn't necessarily equate to how realistic 'entitlement' values are constructed. Yet there is a new form of social class emerging that once again has been misappropriated for divisive reasons: immigration to Britain has rendered splits in the indigenous and newly 'accepted' indigenous sections of Britain. We are experiencing a change 'by generation' of social ambition and a professionalization of the class of Brits immigrants- black, brown and white are still demonstrative glass ceilings based upon racial prejudice, but are beginning to be overlooked for less traditional forms of ignorance. Middle-class identities today are as much about firstly knowing how far you can get to and secondly knowing that there is a limit to how far you can fall for most as making ones way and being successful in ones own micro climate.

But this is seen as a major threat to the status quo of class antagonism in which a social hybrid can transcend all barriers. Even Brexit illustrated the growing dissatisfaction towards the traditional 2 party system which in turn reveals the pressure put on this tired drag of social feudalism of today. Class loyalties have been undermined by the success of immigration and not the failure of it.

So one can conclude that Brexit voters weren't all from the same social class, generation and ethnic sections of society, leading us to an ambivalence in analysis of such a phenomenon. But we do know that these social changes have not been

anticipated by Britons but have the capacity to alarm some vested interests, including Business and trade union leaders who may want to preserve their fifedoms rather than move with the times.

Perhaps the nature of these emerging new classes must be seen in the light of not being infected with the social claustrophobia and repressive instincts of previous Britons? Perhaps the rejection of traditional class hostility in Britain is seen as a further way that social forces contextualize themselves in Britain? Or perhaps traditional class politics in Britain is old hat for immigrants who are more compatible with more advanced forms of social interaction? The relative decline of the Labour party and the genuine identification with PM May as innovating gender by example not by dictat, reflects a sophistification of social class functioning on a multi-faceted and multi-layered way. It also illustrates the potential for greater social innovation and invention in the way we see society, whilst continuing to explore and work within the democratic process. Indeed, why not make Britain a great country known more for being a conductor or a laboratory for social invention rather than just as a powerhouse of the City of London and the first to leave the European slug match between rich and those in decline. Perhaps in the great scheme of things Brexit was a message that said 'No' to the status quo of institutionalization of wealth in Europe and 'No' to Britain's elite still trying to cling-on to their status and rank whilst pretending to be more contemporary. Isn't this debate so much more civilized than the electoral bloodbath in France right now?

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